Author Archives: c_gregorin

Michael Armitage: The Promise of Change at Palazzo Grassi (But Paradise Is Elsewhere)

There is an exhibition at Palazzo Grassi dedicated to Michael Armitage, born in Nairobi to a Kenyan mother and an English father, raised in Africa and, from adolescence, in London, where he trained at the Royal Academy. His works tell the story of contemporary Kenya.

I arrive at the exhibition as though carrying a promise in my pocket — but it is a promise the first rooms both keep and betray at once. The canvases are large, the colours warm and beguiling; the narratives often cruel.

In the room overlooking the Canal Grande, the brightest of all, I stop between two windows before a work smaller than the rest: a circular, hypnotic movement of concentric circles lifts a mother and child in a celestial spiral. It might be a secular Assumption, were it not for a distant figure in the background — like a saint who has lost his balance and is being carried off by the wind.

In that mother, her legs soaring into the blue of the sky, I recognise something. Perhaps because just across the water, at Ca’ Rezzonico, Tiepolo’s angels float — that joyful painter of bare, kicking legs. Or perhaps because, looking up at the gilded ceiling, a triumphant figure of Justice reclines on billowing clouds, stirred by a breeze that echoes the vortex below. I turn back to the woman and child before me. She has nothing of the lightness of a Madonna ascending to heaven — in fact, if you look closely, she seems to be struggling to rise. From this point on, I no longer want to ask questions. The dominant colour in the other canvases is blue: foaming, wild seas, bodies floating above them. I can no longer pretend not to understand. An overcrowded boat. A man stretches out his arm to hold his child above a landscape that has already become underwater.

I read the caption — the only way to move beyond the painting. The room overlooking the Canal Grande is dedicated to Lampedusa, or rather, to those who never managed to reach it. There are no Madonnas in this stretch of sea.

I must not let myself be deceived by Armitage’s soft colours: the green that evokes a lush Africa; the reds, yellows, and oranges of the crowds; bodies made of transparent brushstrokes that dissolve into nature itself. This is how Armitage seduces: he casts an attractive lure, then hurls you into tragedy. And he does so consistently from the very first room, where a woman in boxing gloves in the ring seems tormented by monstrous, dreamlike figures looming behind her. It is a portrait of Conjestina Achieng, the celebrated boxing champion — the first African woman to win a world title. The press destroyed her over her mental health struggles.

And then there is the man with a mouth painted red like a clown’s, eyes half-closed and wild, a tyre around his neck. I look around and see I am not the only one staring at him. This is a work you cannot walk away from. I look for the caption. It describes the horror of a lynching the artist witnessed as a child in apartheid South Africa. A tyre soaked in petrol was thrown around the victim and set alight. That is what those reddish flares are.

I know Africa only through novels and art, and I am steeped in that deep-rooted European fascination with the exotic. Armitage knows this, and turns it against me. He does so by using a familiar and seductive painterly language, citing Gauguin, Manet, Goya, and Picasso without reservation. As in the group of nude males against a backdrop of brown tones, where touches of gold on their genitals inevitably draw the eye. These are boys who sell themselves to tourists in Mombasa. A counterpoint to Picasso’s Bathers.

And then the disorderly, chaotic crowd during the 2017 elections. More than festive, it looks like a crowd in a frenzy, mistaking promises for truth. Why do we always deceive ourselves?

In some way, I deceive myself too. I let myself be tricked by Armitage’s skilled painting, swept along by his maddened crowd, the colours that never blare, the choral scenes. But with every caption, the enthusiasm cools.

Every scene refers back to lynchings, poverty, prostitution, violence, drugs, death. At a certain point, I lose faith. I could stop at the canvas and seek no further information. I could remain on the threshold. Instead, I read on.

I move closer to the canvas: there are holes that eat into the brushstrokes, and long raised ridges like scars that give it an organic, tactile quality. This is not linen but Lubugo — a fabric from Ugandan tradition, still linked in some cultures to funeral rites. It is made from the bark stripped from fig trees, then softened, beaten, and worked by hand. The fabric remains imperfect; the brush must negotiate with its grooves and tears. Armitage had found some pieces at a souvenir stall a few years ago. That material became for him the body on which to write the history of contemporary Kenya — a country that British colonialism left with wounds still open.

I find myself wondering whether Armitage, born in 1984, carrying both an African and a European identity, does not bear these impulses within himself.

I think back to the boxer. Perhaps she was inviting me to climb into the ring with her. Perhaps she was telling me to watch out: the blows come unexpected, and below the belt.

Only near the end of the exhibition did I catch my breath. Landscapes built from many thin brushstrokes that give an almost three-dimensional depth. But the relentless captions speak of fragile lands, disputed by men, threatened by war or pollution.

The final work shows a sleeping man. His face splits like a mask and floats in space. It is titled You, Who Are Alive — and it seems to say: I have done my part. Now it is up to you.

At least, that is what I understood.

Bodies without Defence: Jenny Saville at Ca’ Pesaro

If there’s one thing this exhibition caught me off guard with, it was the scale. In the vast rooms of Ca’ Pesaro I felt out of proportion standing before those three- or four-metre canvases, where the eye had to climb across the nude bodies filling them — overflowing and imperfect.

A woman digs her fingers into the tenderised flesh of disproportionate, powerful thighs; another has one breast soft and drooping, one small and firm; an arm is swollen and diseased. That these may be different bodies, assembled as if in a collage, makes it no less unsettling.

In other works the bodies multiply, intertwine, merge into one another: where does a leg end, where does an arm fall.

Three obese bodies, piled one on top of the other, bound with a cord, seem to be displayed on a counter. The brushstroke is dense, thick — it makes the fleshy masses tremble.

Those fat bodies, vulnerable in their excess, so far from any aesthetic norm, are exposed without defence.

In the portrait rooms, it is always the same face looking back at us: large manga eyes, soft lips — but that beautiful face is brutalised by the paint. Reds and blues bring out swollen lips, bruises on the cheekbones, contusions on the skin. The eyes, reddened by tears, are always slightly wide and uncertain, as though they cannot understand the violence that has struck them.

The paint is sometimes heavy, applied with a palette knife, sometimes scraped or filamentous. Everything hidden beneath the smooth layer of skin seems to press outward: flesh, blood, fascia, fibres, nerves. The surface of the canvas pulses.

That face — so beautiful, so defenceless — looks as though it has been punched.

And yet, even as the emotion threatens to overwhelm you, you sense that Saville is fully inside the process of painting. Not only as an exploration of her medium — the colour, the drips, the scratches, the marks — but by portraying herself. Saville is at once model, maker, and spectator.

It is not self-examination that interests her, the artist says, but using her own face and body — photographed and enlarged — as an instrument to probe something deeper. “Beauty frightens me,” she confesses; she fears her work might “not be serious” or might seem “sentimental.”

The dialogue with the great masters of the past is explicit and conscious: Cy Twombly, Lucien Freud, Kokoschka. If I had to choose one, I would choose Kokoschka, for the charged and nervous palette.

In the room of the Pietàs, bodies are abandoned in a last embrace. The colour recedes — except for a large Madonna on a gold ground, a homage to Byzantine and Venetian painting.

Venice — a city she returns to often — is present in her work also through the Venetian masters she studies and reworks.

The final two works are a tribute to Titian. Venus and Adonis gives her the occasion to return to intertwined bodies; in the background, this time, she adds the mountains of the Cadore. Of the Danaë — the nymph possessed by Jupiter in a shower of golden rain — little remains of that idealised beauty. A plump woman approaching middle age, with red hair, looks out at the viewer: perhaps tired, perhaps indifferent to her own exposure.

Biennale 2026

The Venice Biennale Between Censorship and Propaganda — Long Live Analgesic Art!

 

In the Arsenale, on the first floor of the Sale d’Armi, the Republic of South Africa’s pavilion will remain empty this year. The Russian Federation’s pavilion, closed since 2022, might on the other hand reopen — although the latest news seems to cast doubt on this possibility. The pavilion’s commissioner, Anastasia Karneeva, through her company Smart Art, submitted a formal request to participate, and the Biennale accepted the project.

All hell broke loose. Twenty-two European countries protested vehemently against the Russian presence, and the European Commission threatened to cut the Biennale’s funding. This happened just days after the Paralympics, where Russian athletes not only competed but won gold medals and stood on the podium to the sound of their national anthem.

(more…)

Scuola of the Dalmatians, Interior

The Timeless Stories of Carpaccio

Scuola of the Dalmatians, Interior
Scuola of St. George and St. Tryphon (Scuola degli Schiavoni), Interior

I don’t remember exactly when I first visited the Scuola degli Schiavoni. But I do remember the emotion.
Walking in felt like falling into history.
In the small hall, with its wooden ceilings and wainscoting along the walls, Carpaccio’s canvases appeared like a fairytale frieze.
Darkened by time and poorly lit, yet never had I felt so strongly the presence of a world reaching out from the distant past.

The Dalmatians

Today renamed the Scuola Dalmata di San Giorgio e San Trifone, the Scuola degli Schiavoni was a charitable and solidarity institution for the many Dalmatians living in Venice.
The connection with Dalmatia, the region on the eastern shore of the Adriatic, had ancient origins, preceding even the political bond formed when it became part of the Republic’s Stato da Mar. Since the 11th century, in fact, the waterfront in front of the Doge’s Palace, where Dalmatian merchants docked and sold their goods, had been called the Riva degli Schiavoni.
In the intimate space of Scuola, which represented the Dalmatian community, Carpaccio brought to life a pictorial cycle that is both narrative and poetic.

Carpaccio, San Giorgio contro il drago, 1502, Scuola Dalmata dei S.S. Giorgio e Trifone

St. George

The three canvases on the left recount the legend of Saint George, the archetype of the many wandering knights in our literature and a virtuous Christian soldier.

While near the city of Silene, the saint spots a young woman—a princess—offered to the voracious dragon that held the city hostage and constantly demanded new victims. Without hesitation, Saint George engages in battle with the monster to save the princess.
In the second canvas, Saint George drags the dragon, wounded but still alive, to the main square of Silene. Perhaps he already had an agreement in mind with the king. In fact, only after securing the king’s promise to convert to Christianity does the dragon meet its final end, killed before the crowd that witnesses the power of the Christian warrior.
In the third canvas, the king and his daughter, kneeling before Saint George, receive baptism from his very hands.

Carpaccio thus selects three episodes from the legend, but through each of them, he tells us much more: palmette-patterned fabrics, leaves, and flowers of Byzantine, Moorish, or Chinese origin; musicians always present at important celebrations; Christian and Islamic architecture. He shows us the king, ready to offer his daughter in marriage to the hero; a flustered servant; crowds of onlookers, plants, and birds.

Through these details, so familiar to his contemporaries, Carpaccio tells the story of Venice itself and its inhabitants.
Carpaccio has been called a painter-narrator. We might also call him a storyteller, because for every scene one could compose a stanza and read it aloud.

Some see in Carpaccio the skill of a film director staging long takes. Yet, within the multiplicity of details and stories present in each canvas, at the center dominates a still image.

If we take the first episode, the most striking element is the red lance wielded by the knight, delivering his blow with a movement from right to left.
Behind the saint, we see the princess and a church atop a hill, along with other Christian symbols. Behind the dragon, instead, we recognize a Saracen city with a minaret.

The legend reflects itself in the real world: the dragon is no longer a symbol of the pagans but of the Saracens, while Saint George wears contemporary armor. It seems the chivalric idealization of the concrete and brutal war that, by the thousands, Venetians and Dalmatians had been fighting for decades against the Ottomans.
This is not just a legend, nor is it only about the present reality of the Venetian-Ottoman wars: a golden light envelops the two protagonists who, even amidst the violence of the clash, appear motionless in space, crystallized in an eternal present, a warning of the universal struggle between good and evil, destined to endure until the end of time, when Christ will finally return to Earth and triumph over evil.

L'incontro dei due fidanzati, ciclo di Sant'Orsola, 1490-95, Gallerie dell'Accademia

Ereo and Ursula: the Betrothed

There is another work by Carpaccio where a single detail captures a universal moment: it is the meeting between Orsola and Ereo, in the Sant’Orsola cycle at the Gallerie dell’Accademia.

The princess of Brittany agrees to marry the son of the king of England, provided he converts to Christianity. After the ambassadors have made the arrangements, Ereo travels to Brittany. The two young spouses see each other for the first time. We find them, almost a detail within the enormous canvas teeming with figures. They look alike: beautiful, blonde, noble, dressed in precious garments, completely unaware of the tragic fate that awaits them. In the exchange of their first glances, they recognize each other: they are made for one another.

The intensity of their resemblance, alluding to the union of two souls into one body, had already been sung a few centuries earlier in the legend of Tristan and Isolde. It is the story of a prince and a princess who, by accident, drink a love potion. To love one another, they break all the rules of honor and propriety—but that’s how it is: against magic, one cannot resist.

In Venice, the legend was very popular, thanks to the trovatori, wandering poets who recited it in the city’s campi, drawing captivated audiences who listened, sighing. I like to imagine that, one day, among them was Carpaccio himself, and that the poet’s verses never left him:
A man, a woman; a woman, a man:
Tristan, Isolde; Isolde, Tristan.

Here, in this play of exchanged names and words, the poet weaves the fate of the two noble lovers, who, reflecting one another, become a single essence.

Carpaccio, a painter of stories, knew how to give shape to the deepest and most universal of emotions.

Giovanni Bellini, Presentazione di Gesù al Tempio, 1460-64, Pinacoteca Querini Stampalia, Venezia

Venetian Reds

Giovanni Bellini, Presentazione di Gesù al Tempio, 1460-64, Pinacoteca Querini Stampalia, Venezia
Giovanni Bellini, Presentazione di Gesù al Tempio, 1460-64, Pinacoteca Querini Stampalia

 

It is not just crimson, purple, or scarlet. Venetian red is something more: it is indefinable. Layered hues, transparent lacquers, and warm, enveloping sensuality evoke the shifting glow of a candle flame, making surfaces vibrate with every play of light.

In the sacred themes of the Venetian Renaissance, red recalls the blood of sacrifice, martyrdom, and divine love—moments central to Christian tradition. In portraits and secular themes, however, it breaks free from symbolic meanings, expressing elegance, sensuality, and passion.

Red is a dramatic color that irresistibly attracts the viewer’s gaze, taking center stage. When worn, it commands attention, as if the wearer were performing under the spotlight: red must be worn with confidence.

Perhaps for this reason, it has always been a regal color, and in the collective memory of Renaissance Venice, the purple of Byzantine emperors was still vivid.

The noblest expression of red was visible everywhere: in the ancient mosaics of Saint Mark’s Basilica, in medieval altarpieces, and in the robes of senators. Reserved for solemn contexts and prestigious figures, by the 16th century it had also become prominent in private or allegorical portraits.

For the portrait of Laura, Giorgione applied delicate glazes ranging from red to the brown of fur, shaping the figure with a soft and natural light. The exposed breast, the fur edge brushing against the nipple, creates a strong charge of sensuality.

Giorgione, Laura, 1506, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna

As in other enigmatic works by the artist, the identity of the figure remains unresolved: perhaps Flora, perhaps a courtesan, a nymph, or—as suggested by the laurel wreath—Laura, beloved of Petrarch. More likely, it is an auspicious portrait commissioned for a wedding.

The precious pigment was primarily obtained from cinnabar, a rare mineral containing mercury sulfide. Due to its cost, from the 13th century onwards, a chemical process using a mixture of mercury and sulfur—already known in China and the Islamic world—produced a similar pigment: vermilion. Easier to obtain and of more consistent quality than natural cinnabar, vermilion was widely used. Both pigments, thanks to their intensity and covering power, were employed in rendering drapery and fabrics.

These were often overlaid with transparent organic red lacquers, such as madder root lacquer, which gave red-orange and pink tones. Until the early 16th century, artists also used kermes, a red derived from an insect related to the ladybug, known since prehistoric times. Around 1520, cochineal—a new insect of the same family—arrived from Mexico on European markets, producing a lacquer of brighter color. With its transparency and intensity, cochineal quickly became popular among Venetian and Italian artists in general, who replaced kermes with this lacquer for brighter glazes.

Titian, Flora, 1515, Gallerie degli Uffizi, Florence

In Flora, Titian reached exceptional virtuosity in his use of red. While seemingly less prominent than in other portraits, delicate shades of pink-red and orange permeate the entire painting: from the young woman’s auburn hair to her flushed complexion, to the luminous highlights on the velvet mantle softly wrapping her. The moonlit sheen of her blouse accentuates her rosy skin and the folds of the velvet. Like Giorgione’s Laura, this young woman is likely an allegory; the roses she holds suggest Venus, the goddess of love, but she is generally identified as Flora.

In stark contrast to Flora’s sensuality is the portrait of Isabella of Portugal, painted by Titian more than thirty years later. It was a posthumous portrait of Charles V’s beloved wife, who died at 35, perhaps of exhaustion, after giving birth to their seventh child.

Titian, Isabella of Portugal, 1548, Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid

Charles V’s request was less about remembering his wife’s true features and more about reaffirming her role as empress of the vast Habsburg empire beside him—a desire Titian fully understood. Gold, jewels, her hairstyle, and the play of light on the velvet of her garments and the curtain all convey the essence of royalty and Christian virtue.

The prayer book is open, and her gaze is lifted toward a point far beyond the viewer. Isabella no longer seems part of this world. Remote, like an icon, she appears to belong instead to the azure sky above the Dolomites that open behind her—a signature touch of Titian, who often referenced the land of his birth in his works.

The bodice is dominated by a deep red, likely created with cinnabar and cochineal lacquer glazes to intensify the tones and confer depth.

But red was no longer exclusive to queens and empresses, goddesses of love, or courtesans: noblewomen now favored this evocative and impactful color as well.

Paris Bordone, Portrait, 1550, Galleria Palatina, Florence

In Paris Bordone’s Female Portrait—he was a student and collaborator of Titian—the red of the dress imbues the unidentified subject with energy and an imposing presence. In the 19th century, critics believed her to be a Medici wet nurse, but the luxurious fabric, pearl necklace, and her bearing suggest a high social rank. The shimmering reflections on the velvet are achieved with lighter brushstrokes, simulating the play of light on the fabric.

A warmer, softer light illuminates her face, whose expression hints at a resolute character, as does her pose, with arms free rather than traditionally folded in her lap.

By the mid-century, Veronese brought greater freedom to the Venetian school, moving beyond the warm tones that had dominated from medieval altarpieces through the Renaissance heights of Bellini, Giorgione, Sebastiano del Piombo, and Titian, to name a few.

Paolo Veronese, Portrait, 1555, Musee de la Chartreuse, Douai, France

In this lady’s portrait—dated to 1565—while the velvet red remains saturated and dense, with some brighter highlights, the cool glazes of her blouse create a more ethereal effect and a complex interplay of colors. Her skin, though still tinged with pink according to Renaissance beauty standards, reveals cooler shadows achieved by blending light tones with touches of blue and gray.

The techniques of color experimentation, layering, and combining cinnabar, vermilion, and red lacquers would reach their peak in the 17th century in the Netherlands, with artists like Van Dyck and Rembrandt, aided by the advent of a new red: carmine cochineal, offering even more brilliant effects.

Venice had anticipated a trend that would span centuries, cementing its central role in art history. Red, with its infinite shades and symbolic power, remains one of the most evocative marks of this extraordinary artistic era, capable of achieving regal and sensual effects that continue to captivate art lovers today.

Palazzo Grimani, Salamandra

Salamanders 4: Fire and Stone: The Salamander of Palazzo Grimani

Palazzo Grimani, Salamandra
Relief Sculpture of a Salamander at Palazzo Grimani

In front of a burning salamander, can one truly approach the secret of desire?

This is the mystery that envelops the meaning of the salamander carved into a fireplace in one of the rooms of Palazzo Grimani, discovered only a few years ago during restoration work.
The Palazzo, now a state museum, is a place where Giovanni Grimani’s passion for classical culture, mythology, and its symbols intertwines with his personal story and his family’s history.

Giovanni Grimani and the Palace

Purchased at the end of the fifteenth century by the future Doge Antonio Grimani, the palace was enriched with extraordinary collections of ancient statues, books, and coins thanks to his son, Cardinal Domenico Grimani, a humanist and refined collector.
It was, however, the determination of his grandson Giovanni, combined with his refined taste for art and his ability to bring together extraordinary talents, that transformed the palace into a true masterpiece of sixteenth-century humanism.

A man of vast culture and a restless spirit, Giovanni—though bishop of Ceneda and later patriarch of Aquileia—frequented intellectual circles often suspected of Lutheran sympathies. A charge of heresy initiated a long investigation by the Inquisition, which, although it ended in acquittal, cost him the cardinal’s hat. Giovanni experienced the missed appointment as a humiliation and an injustice.
After his uncle and two brothers had received the title, he believed he had full right to it as well.

Haunted for the rest of his life by the “devils” of the Holy Office, Giovanni transformed the family palace into the place of his vindication, where he could respond to the affront and reclaim his innocence.
He summoned leading artists of Roman Mannerism, such as Giovanni da Udine and Giuseppe Salviati, as if to answer Rome with the same artistic language then in vogue in the papal city.

In the mythological stories narrated through stuccoes and frescoes in the palace’s halls, the tales of men and gods come to life, along with the ancient and ever-persistent dynamics of guilt, punishment, and redemption.

The Salamander

It is precisely in the wing of the palace that Giovanni had decorated in the late 1530s, in the room once dedicated to Psyche, that an ancient flue was uncovered behind a wall. Once the debris was removed from the fireplace, a magnificent bas-relief appeared inside: a salamander that seems to dance among the flames that surround it.

One can imagine that, when the fireplace was lit, a spectacular scene would unfold: the creature shimmering in the fire and whirling among the flickering flames, like a shadow puppet escaped from its theatre. Yet, when the last log in the hearth had burned out, the salamander, moments earlier an ethereal body, would return to stone. Carved in matter and blackened by soot, the creature embodying desire remained there, a tangible presence, ready to burn again.

While the salamander at floor level served as a hypnotic focal point that captured the gaze of those present, on the ceiling shone Francesco Salviati’s sensual canvases depicting the stories of Cupid and Psyche, a reminder that, like humans, even the gods endure the torments of passion. The frescoes and the salamander formed a symbolic unicum: a tribute to the power of love, both human and divine, capable of overcoming even the harshest trials.The tale, narrated in The Metamorphoses by Apuleius, tells how Venus, Cupid’s capricious mother, did everything in her power to hinder the love between her son and the beautiful princess Psyche. Yet the young woman courageously faced relentless challenges, eventually achieving immortality and earning Venus’ consent to the marriage.

Thus, the theme of the tale, together with the salamander, celebrated the triumph of desire. The tenacity of passion and the ability to endure the harsh trials it sometimes imposes were ultimately sublimated into a divine force, capable of leading to the bliss of love and the union of human and divine.
Despite the thematic coherence of the room, the creature, with its many symbolic references, also evoked Giovanni Grimani’s moral strength and the unwavering faith that allowed him to withstand the accusations and persecution of the Inquisition.

The Metamorphoses

The themes of the two subsequent rooms, inspired by The Metamorphoses of Ovid, are dedicated to the nymph Callisto—transformed into a bear by Juno and then into a constellation by Jupiter—and to Marsyas, the reckless satyr who, after daring to challenge Apollo to a musical contest, was flayed as punishment for his hubris.
Once again, we witness the injustices of the gods: while Cupid and Psyche’s story ends in happiness after their suffering, the only way to save Callisto from her fate was to immortalize her among the stars. As for Marsyas, all that remains of him is a memory, preserved in the name of a river, born from the tears of pity shed by the woodland deities.

In mythology, metamorphosis becomes the instrument through which the gods attempt to redress the wrongs that, often out of vanity, they inflict upon lesser gods or mortals.
In the same way, Giovanni Grimani transformed the palace into a testament to his life, entrusting art with the task of restoring justice to his story and leaving it as a legacy for posterity.

Almost half a millennium later, walking through these halls, one can still hear his voice echoing—perhaps only a whisper of vindication, left in the care of history.

Portrait by Titian embodying classical Renaissance beauty

Salamanders 3: The Poetry of Passion by Gaspara Stampa

 

Portrait by Titian embodying classical Renaissance beauty
La Bella, Portrait by Titian, 1530s, Portland Art Museum. Model unknown.

Imagine a young woman, beautiful and self-assured: some might call her audacious.

She must have been enchanting when singing or playing the viola da gamba, often alongside her sister Cassandra, in their maternal home in San Trovaso, a lively gathering place for musicians and writers. Many offer her their verses, some even propose marriage. But Gaspara cherishes her freedom—both amorous and intellectual—and delights in composing sonnets, which she recites in the refined salons of Venetian society.

Born in Padua around 1523, Stampa moved to Venice with her mother and siblings after her father’s death. Well-integrated into the city’s cultured circles, she was admired for her poetic and musical talents. Both her mother and brother allowed her to freely express her artistic vivacity, a condition that set her apart from her contemporaries.

Gaspara was often overwhelmed by love. At the home of the noble Domenico Venier, she met Collaltino di Collalto, an aristocrat from Treviso, who combined a career in arms with a passion for poetry. She fell for him at first sight, entrusting the turmoil of that fatal encounter to her verses: “What wonder it was that at the first assault, young and alone, I was caught in the snare,” she writes in one of the sonnets dedicated to him.

It was an all-consuming love, supported by their shared passion for poetry. However, Collaltino, though fascinated by Gaspara, did not fully return her feelings. Preoccupied with his Treviso estate and his relationship with Henry II of France, whom he served as a man of arms, he was often absent from Venice.

Gaspara was consumed by torment, and the knowledge that other men loved her brought no solace. “He flees from me; I pursue him; others pine for me.” In three stark phrases, Stampa captures the paradox of loves that chase each other without ever meeting, a whirlwind of desire and disappointment that becomes all the more bitter.

With the same disillusionment, she acknowledges the weakness of Collaltino’s affection: “I am so weary of waiting (…) and he lives happily on his hills.” When Collaltino, after three years of an unstable relationship, left her for good, Gaspara was devastated: “From then on, I have trembled and sweated, wept, despaired, and desired.”

Yet, unexpectedly, after some time, Gaspara fell in love again: “I feel a fire equal to the first,” she writes in one of the fourteen sonnets dedicated to Bartolomeo Zen, her last and more stable, more fulfilling love.

With renewed enthusiasm, the poet confesses in one of her most famous sonnets that love is for her a condition of life: a fire that nourishes and regenerates her, like the salamander with which she identifies:

Love has made me such that I live in fire,
like a new salamander in the world, and like
that other no less strange creature,
that lives and breathes in the same place.

All my delights and my joy,
are to live burning and not feel pain,
to not care whether he who causes this
has pity on me little or much.

Hardly had the first flame been extinguished,
than Love lit another, which, as I feel,
is even more alive and greater than before.

And I do not regret burning in love,
so long as he who has newly won my heart
remains satisfied and content with my fire.

Gaspara Stampa died of fever at just 31 years old, in 1554. That same year, her sister Cassandra oversaw the publication of Rime, over three hundred Petrarchan sonnets in which the poet poured out her feelings with great immediacy.
Yet, after her death, her poetry fell into oblivion.

Gaspara Stampa

Only with the 1738 edition, curated by a descendant of Collaltino, were the Rime rediscovered and recognized as a masterpiece of Renaissance female poetry. Despite 19th- and early 20th-century criticism, which found Gaspara’s candor shocking and considered her bold style fitting only for a courtesan, today, Stampa’s dignity as a cultured and free woman has been restored. Her writing is celebrated for its intellectual vitality, as it legitimizes feelings such as passion and desire for women, helping to redefine the female role in Renaissance literature.

Salamanders 2: The Melancholy Gentleman by Lorenzo Lotto

Gentleman by Lorenzo Lotto, 1520s, Gallerie dell’Accademia di Venezia

Pale, emaciated, tense; his eyes gaze into nothingness, his body leans awkwardly against the table.
Long fingers mechanically leaf through a heavy ledger, while behind him, a hunting horn and a lute hang on the wall, telling of a phase of life now past: a lighter, more carefree time, devoted to music and hunting.

Next to these symbols of leisure, through the open window behind him, a landscape of rolling hills under a vast blue sky hints at spaces of freedom now curtailed.

New duties and responsibilities await him: on the table, covered with a green cloth, lie the tools of his trade— a chest for keeping the ledger, a few letters, a seal ring, and an inkwell. The index finger of his right hand hovers just above a letter, distinct from the others: it has been opened and refolded and now rests among withered rose petals. Perhaps a sign of lost love, a faded connection.

In the face and demeanor of this young man, everything speaks of resignation and inner turmoil. The light accentuates the sharp, sorrowful features of his face, amplifying the sense of profound solitude.

On the blue shawl carelessly draped over the table, in the spot where the fabric folds, a small salamander appears. Its neck stretches toward the young man, creating a tension parallel and opposite to that of his pointing finger. There is a perceptible arcing movement, starting from his right hand, passing through the scattered petals on the table, and culminating in the salamander, which draws the eye toward his left hand and the pages of the book.

The scene suggests a cause-and-effect narrative: a romantic disappointment drives the young man to seek a new purpose in life. Yet, despite the melancholy that pervades the work, the presence of the salamander hints at the possibility that the protagonist will endure his sorrow, finding strength and solace in dedication to his work.

The palette is limited to a few cool tones—blue and green—that create an atmosphere of restless calm. However, dark hues dominate much of the composition—the somber clothing, the background—heightening the dramatic impact of the young man’s pale, anguished expression and the austerity of the setting.

Thanks to his deep psychological insight and his ability to capture the subtle emotional nuances of his sitters, Lorenzo Lotto holds a prominent place in the history of Renaissance art. In a cultural climate that celebrated human passions, Lotto’s patrons often sought to expose their innermost feelings in portraits intended to be seen and admired by visitors to their homes.

Thus, the Young Gentleman entrusts himself to the artist’s hand to immortalize an indelible moment in his life.

The portrait, perhaps once hanging on a wall in a noble residence, served as a tangible testament to a painful decision and a profound anguish that Lorenzo Lotto masterfully transformed into an image of extraordinary emotional intensity, capturing the protagonist’s inner torment for eternity.

Salamander - The Myth

Salamanders 1: The Myth

Salamander - The Myth
Michael Maier, Salamander, 1617, Engraving in “Atalanta fugis”.

Since ancient times, this small black amphibian with yellow spots has embodied the extraordinary virtue of withstanding the destructive force of fire unharmed.

A cold-blooded creature and lover of damp environments, it was said to feed on flames to warm itself. Moreover, when threatened, the salamander secretes, through its venomous glands, a liquid capable of causing immediate inflammation in its predator—a trait that over time has reinforced its symbolic connection to fire.

In the Middle Ages, fire, and in particular the stake, became the weapon used to incinerate the bodies and souls of sinners, purging them of the evil that had corrupted their lives. The salamander, which instead resists fire, was associated in medieval Bestiaries with the courage of those who voluntarily stifle their earthly passions, choosing to live the virtuous life of a good Christian.

With the Renaissance, the symbol of the salamander acquired new meanings. In carnal love, often evoked as a devouring fire, not only sin but also the fragility of human nature is recognized, incapable of escaping its enchantment. The lover cannot resist this amorous fire that envelops, burns, and consumes; they feed on it, torn between agony and joy. The desire to revel in this cruel and sweet torment finds one of its boldest expressions in poetry, sublimating itself in the symbol of the salamander.

In the upcoming articles, I will guide you through three representations of the salamander: in art, sculpture, and poetry of the Venetian Renaissance, all united by a red thread—the thread of passionate love—that binds them together.

Regata Storica Since the 1950s, the water parade has recreated the triumphant reception of Caterina Cornaro, Queen of Cyprus, upon her arrival in Venice in 1489 after her abdication in favor of the Republic.

Caterina of Cyprus: An Inconvenient Queen

Regata Storica. Since the 1950s, the water parade has recreated the triumphant reception of Caterina Cornaro, Queen of Cyprus, upon her arrival in Venice in 1489 after her abdication in favor of the Republic.

The idea of a queen for the Republic of Venice could only ever exist as a scenic fiction—an aesthetic and symbolic representation of power that actually rested in the hands of a small male council. Yet, even the Republic contributed a true queen to Mediterranean history: Caterina Cornaro, Queen of Cyprus.

A Tumultuous Background

The Kingdom of Cyprus, ruled by the French Lusignan dynasty, was, in the latter half of the 15th century, shaken by the ambitions of James II, known as “the Bastard,” the illegitimate son of James I. He usurped the throne from his sister, Charlotte. After an initial failed attempt supported by the Venetians, James turned to the Sultan of Egypt. With the aid of Mamluk troops, he deposed his sister and seized Famagusta from the Genoese, who supported her.

Amid an atmosphere of conspiracies and betrayals, James began to fear a potential defection of the Mamluks still stationed on the island. According to chronicles, he had them massacred a few years later. His precarious position as an illegitimate king convinced him to seek a wife who could secure an alliance with a powerful state. After various complications, his choice fell on the young Caterina Cornaro.

It is said the ambassador selected her for her beauty – she was apparently also a natural blonde -, but her family’s influence likely mattered more. The Cornaro family held estates in Cyprus and was among the most influential in Venice. Through marriage to Caterina and the concessions he promised the Republic, James II ensured the ally he needed.

For Venice, it was an exceptional opportunity to strengthen its military and economic presence in the eastern Mediterranean, where the growing Ottoman threat loomed ever larger.

In 1468, Caterina was betrothed to the King of Cyprus. She was only fourteen, and fortunately, the marriage was formalized by proxy. Her husband, it seems, was in no hurry; he preferred a life of leisure and lovers, with whom he even had children. When James II drew closer to the King of Naples, the Venetian Senate, fearing a shift in alliances, insisted he honor his commitments. The king relented and, in 1472, sent a ship to Venice to fetch his young bride.

Caterina’s Journey to Cyprus

The Senate bestowed upon Caterina the title of “adoptive daughter of Venice,” an honorific created specifically for her. The Doge himself accompanied her to San Nicolò di Lido aboard the Bucintoro, the golden State galley. The Republic granted her all the honors befitting a future queen, but with the title of “daughter,” they reminded her where her loyalty should ultimately lie.

The royal wedding took place in Nicosia’s cathedral amid celebrations and the enthusiastic acclaim of a crowd welcoming their new queen. Unfortunately, this union was not destined for happiness. On an island seemingly pacified, James II’s reign was short-lived. A few months later, the king died under mysterious circumstances—possibly of food poisoning—leaving his wife pregnant and as the sole heir to the island.

Not yet nineteen, Caterina ascended to the throne as regent for her unborn child, facing turbulent times of conspiracies. The situation escalated when her son was taken from her, and she was forced to sign the island’s cession to Charlotte.

A Kingdom Reclaimed

At that point, Venetian galleys stationed nearby intervened, killed the conspirators, restored order, and took control of both the island and its queen.

Amidst intrigue and conspiracies, Caterina’s position was too precarious for her to remain in charge of such a strategically important kingdom for the Republic. The Senate surrounded her with administrators and officials, politically isolating her and stripping her of power. Caterina remained queen in name only.

Shortly thereafter, her son also died of malarial fever. Without husband or child, caught between pro-Mamluk and pro-Genoese factions and subjected to Venetian domination, Caterina continued to manage what little autonomy she retained. Though she had no authority, the queen displayed regal pride and tenacity.

Rumors, unsupported by documentation, suggested that Caterina had a lover. The possibility of a new marriage added to Venetian anxieties. The government feared that a husband opposed to the Republic’s interests or new heirs could legitimately claim the throne. This concern led Venice to rid itself of a troublesome queen.

The pretext came with yet another conspiracy in 1488, instigated by Cypriot nobles. Once again, the Venetians occupied the island, and this time the Senate, through Caterina’s brother Giorgio, officially requested her abdication. Caterina refused.

Bernardino Contin, Funeral Monument of Caterina Corner, 1580, Church of San SalvadorThe Queen lays the crown of Cyprus in the hands of doge Agostino Barbarigo
Bernardino Contin, Funeral Monument of Caterina Corner, 1580, Church of San Salvador. The Queen lays the crown of Cyprus in the hands of doge Agostino Barbarigo

The Time of Obedience

Family pressures, appeals to her duty, and the urgency of her safety were futile; the queen would not yield. Faced with her obstinacy, the Republic resorted to explicit threats: the loss of her wealth and the status of a rebel. This ultimatum left Caterina no choice—a rebel was at the mercy of any assassin.

In 1489, alongside her brother, Caterina boarded a Venetian galley commanded by her cousin. Trapped by familial and political constraints, she had no escape. Dressed in black, she left Cyprus forever.

At San Nicolò di Lido, the same Bucintoro that had escorted her as a future sovereign awaited her. However, a new Doge now stood on the gilded galley. This was Venice: every glory had its expiration. A Doge died, another was elected; even a queen lasted only as long as the state’s interests allowed.

After a solemn ceremony, Caterina was sent into exile. The government allowed her to retain her titles and the lordship of Asolo, today one of Italy’s most beautiful villages, where her family owned property.
Even on the remote hills, Caterina was able to assert her regal nature.

A Court of Arts in Asolo

She won the people’s affection through significant initiatives: reforming the administration of justice, founding a Monte di Pietà, a public pawnshop, and dedicating much of her land to cultivation. During the 1505 famine, she imported grain from Cyprus to feed the population.

She also expanded the castle, built a “barco” (a villa), and invited artists, poets, and musicians. Her court became a cultural hub that attracted the era’s finest talents. The poet Pietro Bembo dedicated his *Asolani* to her, and others wrote panegyrics in her honor. Lorenzo Lotto painted an altarpiece for the local church, while Giorgione enjoyed music and perhaps painted frescoes in her villa.

Caterina transformed a small town into a kingdom of the arts.

When the War of the League of Cambrai brought Emperor Maximilian’s troops to the Treviso area in 1509, she returned to Venice, where she died the following year.

Caterina in Two Portraits

Two portraits of this indomitable queen stand out—one depicting the woman, the other her myth.

The first, by Gentile Bellini in 1500, portrays Caterina at forty-six, slightly heavyset, wearing gold-embroidered garments and long strands of pearls. A crown sparkles on her head. She is shown in three-quarter profile; her expression is stern, her eyelids drooping slightly, giving her gaze a shrewd, narrow look. Her lips are closed, yet there seems to be a shadow of a smile. I imagine her posing for the painter, perhaps urging him not to be timid and to capture her aging face as it was, with the weight of her history. And to not hold back with the gold. Beauty fades, but honors endure. This is how she would be remembered as a queen.

Quite different is the portrait Titian painted thirty years after her death. Caterina appears as a beautiful, sensual woman dressed in Oriental style. Her image merges with that of Saint Catherine of Alexandria, suggested by the wheel, perhaps an allusion to the queen’s Christian virtues. Yet, this image is too sensual for a saint—even too much for a queen. Here, Caterina has already become part of the Venetian myth.
If the wheel implies her Christian faith, a modern viewer may also see an allusion to personal martyrdom. Less cruel than the Alexandrian princess’s, yet serving the same purpose: to subdue a woman who had dared challenge the authority of the Republic.

English (UK)